{"id":43,"date":"2009-04-24T11:07:56","date_gmt":"2009-04-24T11:07:56","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.qub.ac.uk\/geographies-of-orthodoxy\/discuss\/?p=43"},"modified":"2010-06-14T14:12:34","modified_gmt":"2010-06-14T14:12:34","slug":"hospitable-reading-and-clerical-reform-in-fifteenth-century-london","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/geographies-of-orthodoxy.qub.ac.uk\/discuss\/2009\/04\/24\/hospitable-reading-and-clerical-reform-in-fifteenth-century-london\/","title":{"rendered":"&#8220;Hospitable Reading&#8221; and Clerical Reform in Fifteenth Century London"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>(A version of this text was presented at <a href=\"http:\/\/www.medieval.ox.ac.uk\/afterarundel\/\">After Arundel<\/a>, St John&#8217;s College Oxford, 16th-18th April, 2009)<br \/>\n<strong>Citations from this post must be properly and appropriately acknowledged<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>1.<\/strong><br \/>\n\u201cCategories of historical explanation are indispensable,\u201d says the German historian of the Protestant Reformation, Berndt Hamm. \u201cBut when they lose their status as questions\u201d he continues, \u201cwhen it is no longer apparent that they are thought constructs placed upon the past, such categories come to have fatal effects on scholarship\u201d (2004: 1).  Our work on Geographies of Orthodoxy coincides with what is becoming a widely held sense that the questions asked of late medieval English piety, religious writing and ecclesiological dissent have themselves come to limit our encounter with the theological and literary controversies of fifteenth century England.   Our interest in the project has been to challenge the clich\u00e9 that Carthusian Prior Nicholas Love\u2019s<em> Mirror of the Blessed Life of Jesus Christ<\/em> stands as ideological opponent to the Wycliffite Bible.  We aim to re-assess the coherence of this narrative and to locate Love in relation to other texts in the Pseudo-Bonaventuran tradition.   Of interest to us is the issue of the security and coherence of \u201corthodoxy\u201d as a classifying strategy in late medieval English devotional writing, either in the later Middle Ages or in contemporary literary history.  The scholarly attention paid to the circulation of Wycliffite ideas and of the Wycliffite Bible itself distorts, we contend, the scene of fourteenth and fifteenth century theological speculation in England.  Scholarship has presented us with a camera obscura, in which either the influence on religious writing of Wycliffite thought is pictured as all-pervasive or Wycliffitism is perceived as an ideological fiction propagated by the authorities in order to legitimate a tightening of secular and\/or ecclesiastical control.  While recent scholarship has often worked with the fine grain of religious writing in England and in English, it is our contention that these two grand r\u00e9cits continue to determine much of the thinking on the status of Wycliffite, Lollard or other heterodox thought.  <\/p>\n<p>Geographies of Orthodoxy instead has sought and is seeking to track &#8211; to map &#8211; the traffic of nominally orthodox texts across and among textual and reading communities in later medieval England.  We have resisted an editorialising focus on texts themselves in favour of close investigation of the codicological contexts of their propagation.  We would hope that our findings demonstrate the value and benefit to the scholarly community of such large-scale, collaborative projects.  The literary and theological subtleties of late medieval writing are too great for the lone scholar, unless that scholar donates his or her career to their excavation.  Large-corpus projects, while curtailed by specific time-frames and subject to the often crass whims of funding councils (\u201cimpact\u201d?), provide scholars with an opportunity to shake up presuppositions by cutting across or through the standard registers of critical debate.<\/p>\n<p>The plasticity of context for devotional writing in the years after the publication of the <em>Constitutions<\/em> suggests, as Mishtooni Bose has most recently argued, that utilising either the rhetoric of legislation or the rhetoric of dissent as an historiographical framework is no longer tenable.  The meta-categories of \u201corthodoxy\u201d and \u201cheresy\u201d, of \u201creform\u201d and \u201cdissent\u201d subject us to vocabularies of description which are far from disinterested and not of our own choosing.  \u201cFantasies,\u201d says Bose, \u201care codified in legislation as surely as they are ever expressed in fiction\u201d (2007: 51).  Heresy and orthodoxy, as well as having specific cultural and linguistic etymologies often overlooked in their deployment by critics, have lost, we want to suggest, their explanatory and descriptive power.  Attending to how books perform and materialise contemporary attitudes through what Anne Hudson calls \u201cmanuscript juxtaposition\u201d (1988: 423) provides, we suggest, a more sensitive barometer of attitudes to religious writing and its relation to secular and ecclesiastical authority.<\/p>\n<p><strong>2.<\/strong><br \/>\n The MSS that we will refer to here were all produced in London in the first half of the fifteenth century, in the decades following Arundel\u2019s death.  MSS Bodley 789, Bodley 938, Westminster School MS 3, Laud Misc. 174 and Laud Misc. 23, are devotional anthologies and they fall within the scope of the Geographies of Orthodoxy survey because they contain one of two pseudo-Bonaventuran translations; in the case of three of the books, the Laud MSS and Bodley 789, that pseudo-Bonaventuran translation is the Middle English<em> Meditationes de Passione Christi<\/em>, a text that treats the events of the Passion from the Last Supper through to the Harrowing of Hell.  The text structures its account of the events of the Passion into a series of meditations for the canonical hours, beginning with the \u201cnight and morwetyde\u201d, then prime, terce, midday, none, vespers and compline, with further meditations relating to the Saturday, and closing with the meditation for Christ\u2019s descent into hell.  Our colleague, Allan Westphall, has found that these meditations are characterised by (I quote) an \u201ceconomy of expression\u201d, omitting, \u201cwhat is not strictly necessary to the core narrative of Christ\u2019s Passion\u201d.  Although the text does follow the Latin <em>Meditationes<\/em> in enjoining the reader to engage in affective consideration of Christ\u2019s suffering, encouraging the reader to \u201cmake thee self as thou were present\u2026with the eyen of thy soule\u201d, and thus imaginatively witnessing scriptural events, in this the translator is also economical, shortening and sometimes omitting entirely the original\u2019s extended affective focus on the pain of Christ and Mary.  <\/p>\n<p><em>The Short Rule of the Life of Our Lady<\/em>, found in Bodley 938 and Westminster 3 is a much less substantial text, usually only occupying two or three folios in MS copies. Translated from chapter three of the <em>Meditationes vitae Christ<\/em>i, the <em>Short Rule<\/em> gives an account of the manner of life lived by Mary in the years before she married Joseph. The text immediately and unapologetically signals its extra-biblical source- Mary, we are told, revealed the text to St. Elizabeth of Hungary through revelation.  The Rule encourages imitatio of the young Mary, inviting the reader to follow her in her utter humility and submission to both the will of God and to ecclesiastical authority.  Mary becomes an exemplary figure for a sort of mixed life, with her days dedicated to prayer and manual work. <\/p>\n<p>Clearly these are texts that are thoroughly orthodox (if you were pushed to labelling them according to such political binaries), and for the most part, they occur in diverse text collections that are similarly unproblematic- religious miscellanies and anthologies with prominent pastoral, Christological and mystical interests.  Indeed, the ME <em>Meditationes<\/em> even occurs as an interpolation in several MSS of that scholarly paradigm of orthodoxy, Nicholas Love\u2019s <em>Mirror of the Blessed Life.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>In London production contexts, however, these texts are copied in much more politically unstable MSS.  Almost invariably, the metropolitan contexts for these pseudo-Bonaventuran translations are books that mix supposedly Wycliffite texts (and undoubtedly reformist texts) with materials that are unequivocally orthodox.  The fact that this occurs only in London contexts, might help us gain a sense of devotional tastes in the City, and how those tastes were being serviced by those involved in London\u2019s book-trade.  My necessarily brief discussion here speaks to these issues and I will focus largely on Laud. Misc. 23.<\/p>\n<p>Laud 23  is one of six MSS discussed by Margaret Connolly in her 2003 article, \u201cBooks for the \u2018helpe of euery persoone \u00feat \u00feenki\u00fe to be saued\u2019: Six Devotional Anthologies from Fifteenth-Century London\u201d, where she traced textual connections between books which had a cluster of devotional texts in common.  One of the texts shared between 4 of Connolly\u2019s six \u201cDevotional Anthologies\u201d is a prologue that precedes the \u201cxij lettyngis of prayere\u201d, and the text varies in its wording depending on the blend of items in each book.  The prologue offers us a chance to reflects on the texts included in the Laud MS- and some of the issues more generally pertinent in relation to these anthologies:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<q>\u00deis litil compilacioun bigynny\u00fe with \u00fee seuene dedli synnys and folwyng next ben seuene vertues remedies \u00feer a3ens and o\u00feer smale \u00feynges schortly declared \u00b6But for as myche as sum men wenen to be herd of God alwey in here prayere . \u00deerfore here with Godds grace schal folwe xij lettyngis of prayere . wherporu3 men moun knowe \u00fee betere why men be not herd in here praier of god alwey whan \u00feei praien. \u00b6And for as miche as dyuers men holdyn an oppynyone \u00fet sengle byleue wt ou3te werkys of charite suffici\u00fe to saluaciuone. \u00feerfore sum schort declaracion schal folwe of \u00fee crede whichis trewe bileue &#038; which is but fendis bileue. whiche bileue only schal saue no man \u00b6And for asmyche as charite &#038; loue comprehenyth alle \u00fee comanndementis , \u00feerfore next folwyng wt goddis grace schal sumwhat sue of loue of god &#038; of ney3bore \u00fet her \u00feorw he may \u00fee sunnere cum to \u00fee kepyng of goddys comanndements . for bi loue men schulden kepe goddis hestis . &#038; reule al here hiistis \u00feer after &#038; not only bi drede \u00b6Here endyt \u00fee prolog.  And here bigynnyn \u00fee xii leityng of preyere<\/q><\/ul>\n<p>Although the prologue has been particularised to reflect the contents of Laud 23, it appears to have been reworked before the items to be included in the book were finalised.  The prologue announces that the \u2018compilacion\u2019 begins with a treatise on the Seven deadly sins, \u201cand folwyng next ben seuene vertues remedies \u00feer a3ens and o\u00feer smale \u00feynges schortly declared\u201d.  The prologue fails to refer to the commentary on the Ten Commandments which is the opening item in the book, but reflects accurately Lavynham\u2019s treatise on the Seven Sacraments, and the brief catechetical works that follow.  This section of the MS, a sort of brief compendium of pastoralia treating the basic tenets of religious belief, is a common feature of these devotional anthologies, and it is here where one might also find expositions of the Pater Noster, Ave or Creed, as in Bodley MSS 789 and 938.  Here, one also might expect a mixture of orthodox treatments of these basic pastoralia, with texts that are understood to have been adapted by Wycliffites.  Bodley 789, for instance, has a strongly Wycliffite exposition of the Ten Commandments followed by an English translation of Deuteronomy 28, in a cluster of texts juxtaposing a probably Wycliffite treatment of the Ave Maria with a politically inert Pater Noster- (a text described by Kellog and Talbert as lacking (quote)  \u201ca single expressly Wyclifite idea\u201d).  In fact, the Pater Noster text in Bodley 789 had previously been understood as Wycliffite, primarily because of its cohabitation in books that had been identified as heterodox collections- it may be that a number of other texts need similar reassessment on their individual theological content.<\/p>\n<p>Such mixing of orthodox and heterodox pastoral texts hints at the repeated processes of copying and splicing of clusters of texts that may have initially been entirely orthodox, or alternatively, entirely reformist, but that by turn resulted in thorough admixtures in the source booklets used by the scribes in London\u2019s C15 book trade.  The resulting assortments reveal a tolerance among scribes, and it would seem, their audiences, to mixed devotional perspectives.<\/p>\n<p>In Laud 23, the treatment of the Seven Sacraments, and the short texts that follow (items 3 to 11) are orthodox.  The treatment of the Ten Commandments, not listed in the prologue, is less straightforward, and is described by Doyle as being (quote) \u201cof somewhat critical but orthodox tone\u201d.  This tendency to criticism of the clerisy, and the reformist tone that characterises this work, re-emerges with later items in the book; indeed there are several close verbal echoes between this treatment of the Decalogue and subsequent items, including a sermon I will discuss in detail in a moment. <\/p>\n<p>Returning to the prologue, we are promised the \u201cxij lettyngis of prayere\u201d, followed by a text treating the Creed.  This \u201cschort declaracion\u2026of \u00fee crede\u201d concerns itself with those who deny the need for charitable works, people who consider \u201c\u00fet sengle byleue wt ou3te werkys of charite suffici\u00fe to saluaciuone\u201d.  It is possible that the prologue here reveals knowledge of criticisms of the Free Spiritists, who were alleged to disavow the need for works of charity.  Appropriately, given the concern here with charitable works, the prologue advertises a work on Love and Charity to complete this self-contained node of texts.<\/p>\n<p>In John Rylands 85 and Durham Cathedral MS A.iv.22, books which also contain this prologue and the associated cluster of texts, the text \u201ctouching the creed\u201d and the \u201cEight points of Charity\u201d follow immediately after the \u201c12 lettinges\u201d, and the Prologue thus appears closely matched to the actual MS contents.   Laud 23, however, reveals improvisational adaptation by the compilers, and 6 items have been added between the end of the \u201cLettynges\u201d and the beginning of the \u201cSchort declaracion\u201d. Item 14, immediately following the \u201cXii Lettynges\u201d, (a text, incidently, also found in Bodley 789) continues the interest in prayers.  It advises on contemplative solitary prayer for lay persons, in a subtly affective mode, in some respects foreshadowing the devotional practices inscribed within the ME <em>Meditaciones<\/em>. Also among the additions is another cluster of texts that occur together elsewhere, even within the small selection of books I am discussing today, as Laud 174 similarly clusters the <em>Mirror of Sinners<\/em>, the <em>Meditation of St Anselm<\/em>, and <em>Three Arrows of Doomsday<\/em>, albeit in a different order to this book: these texts coalesce to stress the briefness of earthly life, the necessity of turning to Christ and good works, and the eternal penalties for the failure to do so.<\/p>\n<p>Most interesting of the adaptations in the book is the compilers\u2019 apparent substitution of the \u201cEight points of Charity\u201d, the text which usually follows the \u201cSchort Declaracion\u201d.   In the Laud MS it has been replaced with a work that in some respects, fits well with the Prologue\u2019s description of an item dealing with Love and Charity, as the text includes expositions of the Ten Commandments, the five conditions of charity, and the four conditions of Love.  Headed, \u201cVos estis Cives Sanctorum\u201d, the text, an elaborate sermon inspired by Ephesians 2, discusses the Christian community as \u2018Citizens of Saints\u2019, inhabiting a City in which Christ is the cornerstone.  The unique, extraordinary text, mixes reformist apocalypticism with Langlandian and Wycliffite registers, as it provides a history for the City and looks forward to its apocalyptic destruction. The text repeatedly stresses the necessity for the Priesthood to preach the gospels, and castigates the glossers, those \u2018ypocrites\u2019 who will bring about the apocalypse :<\/p>\n<ul>\n<q>\u00fee cause of \u00feis is to sey goddis lawe is medlid wt glosyng . fagyng &#038; fals expounyng&#8230;siluer is turnid in to drosse.<\/q><\/ul>\n<p>The sermon also refers to Lollards, and the text\u2019s discussion appears to use the term to suggest a world turned on its head : <\/p>\n<ul><q>So oure cristendom is defoylid whanne it is medlid with errour &#038; heresye, with \u00fee flesh . \u00fee world . or \u00fee deuel .\/ \u00fee best coloure is chaungid . now uertuous lyf is dyspisid . &#038; sinful lyf is preysid. \u00b6 ffor he \u00feat hati\u00fe synne is clepid a lollar .\u2019 And he \u00feat mysdoi\u00fe .\u2019 is clepid a pleyn lyuar.<\/q><\/ul>\n<p>The use of the \u2018lollar\u2019 is tantalising here, but its use perhaps suggests the word is regarded as being in a state of semantic flux-  \u201clollar\u201d a word which should not be applicable to the virtuous, is slanderously applied to them, in these, the end of days.<\/p>\n<p>Although much of the language reminds us of Wycliffite registers, it may be that the sermon displays absorption of Lollard discourse, rather than outright affiliation.  Certainly, despite the insistent calls for the Gospels to be preached, there remains a conservative impulse in that the text imagines this as being strictly the duty of the clergy, and there is no hint that an answer to priestly negligence might be the dissemination of translated scriptures.  In this the text resonates with a number of items within Bodley 938, a MS in which the opening and closing works stress the necessity of scriptural knowledge, and where the failure of the clergy in preaching the gospel is raised in numerous texts, yet much more often than not, the obvious Wycliffite punch-line in support of translation is not supplied.<\/p>\n<p>We may also wonder at the climax of the sermon, where, with Langlandian echoes, the text prophesises an age beyond the apocalypse, where the \u201cCitizens of Saints\u201d, freed from the hypocrites who brought destruction on themselves and the City, will rebuild it, in what is described as a \u201cfynal vnite\u201d.  Thus, these chosen few, will live in eternal bliss.<\/p>\n<p>The role of the commissioner in these devotional anthologies is difficult to figure.  Would the commissioner have had a precise notion of the texts that would be copied into a devotional miscellany, when such a book could contain dozens of items?  Might they have entrusted scribes or stationers as literary agents to locate types of textual clusters (such as these pastoral manual booklets), trusting them to imaginatively and pragmatically fulfil a commission.  Might there even be an arbitrariness about the manner in which these books were put together?  Perhaps, the exemplar containing the \u201cEight Points of Charity\u201d was no longer available to the scribe of Laud 23, and so, an available exemplar containing a work that fitted the requirement for a work on Love and Charity, and was copied into the book.  I think in this case that such an argument is unconvincing,- \u201cVose estis ciues sanctorum\u201d resonates perfectly with other texts in the MS, and particularly those texts that were added to the pre-existing clusters of items.  The rarity of some of the texts in Laud 23, with some unique texts, and some found only in one or two other MS witnesses, would tend to suggest sources in private hands, texts located by the commissioner of the book rather than the scribe accessing booklets more commonly available in the London book trade.  That is not to say that such anthologies were never shaped by the availability of texts, but that exemplar availability alone cannot explain the structuring of these books- texts were rejected and replaced by copyists, and in some cases this must have been in response to the demands of the consumer.<\/p>\n<p>Of the London MSS surveyed by Geographies of Orthodoxy, the most consistently heterodox is the large compendium of materials in Bodley 938, a book written by a scribe who had a knack for laying his hands on heterodox or otherwise reformist materials.  He has been identified as one of the scribes of John Colop\u2019s Common Profit book, a MS that famously mixes heterodox texts in support of biblical translations with orthodox mystical materials.  It appears that one early reader of Bodley 938, the volume\u2019s commissioner perhaps, disagreed with a number of perspectives in the book, noting offending passages by penning \u201cquere\u201d in the margin, and very occasionally scraping particularly problematic lines from the book.  It is generally the most extreme positions that are marked- for instance, the refutation of priestly celibacy and instructions for prelates to marry, the articulation that bishops and priesthood should be replaced by \u201ctrewe prechours\u201d of the gospels.  However, the vast majority of the consistently reformist texts are untouched, and the book was evidently retained for use, perhaps not in spite of its reformist bent, but because of this. <\/p>\n<p><strong>3.<\/strong><br \/>\nWhat these case-studies illustrate is the extent to which the production and circulation of religious texts in London is unaffected on the ground by Arundel\u2019s prohibitions.  The likelihood is that the London episcopate was tasked with the implementation of the <em>Constitutions<\/em> and the evidence suggests considerable permissiveness.  Paul Strohm has suggested that Arundel\u2019s legislation spoke powerfully to a specific socio-political moment, but &#8211; as with modern governmental pronouncements, it seems to us as if its moment passed extremely quickly.  As the manuscripts and texts we\u2019ve discussed here suggest, there continues to be a capacious appetite for religious writing in the vernacular.  Indeed, the books we\u2019ve discussed seem in fact to index the variety and range of theological and catechetical interests of fifteenth century London readers: they present us with a snapshot of a debate on the present and future constitution of the clergy and its pastoral and political responsibilities.  To our mind, they evidence what we have termed &#8211; not without caution &#8211; devotional cosmopolitanism.  We do not, of course, intend cosmopolitanism as it is today conceived by a politically anxious, latte-swilling, broadsheet-reading middle class: <a href=\"http:\/\/browse.guardian.co.uk\/search?search=cosmopolitanism&#038;sitesearch-radio=guardian&#038;go-guardian=Search\">as a pat solution to problems of multiculturalism<\/a>.  The notion of cosmopolitanism is ancient, reaching back to Cicero.   But it also has a distinctly Christian heritage, which issues particularly in Paul\u2019s Epistle to the Ephesians: \u201cNow therefore you are no more strangers and foreigners; but you are fellow citizens with the saints, and the domestics of God.  Built upon the foundation of the apostles and prophets, Jesus Christ himself being the chief corner stone: In whom all the building, being framed together, groweth up into an holy temple in the Lord\u201d (2: 19-21).  Cosmopolitanism is, at base, the ethic of hospitality by another name: the willingness to take the Other, on the Other\u2019s terms, into one\u2019s own home (an ethic which has its roots, too, in the Parable of the Samaritan).  Paul (if indeed the author of the Epistle) here imagines the redemption of cultural and religious difference under the sign of Christ\u2019s death and resurrection; typically its fulfilment is patterned eschatologically, with the Second Coming which will fulfil politically what Christ\u2019s crucifixion announced spiritually.  While our discovery of the extraordinarily dense, hortatory, richly intertextual Sermon on Ephesians in Laud Misc. 23 is recent, our immediate work on the text suggests that this homily, with its obviously Langlandian idiom and its recognition of the cultural and political utility of the word \u201clollar\u201d as a byword for any sort of reform, imagines a future Church in which the various shades of religious difference can be accommodated to the benefit of all.  While its rhetoric is apocalyptic, its interest is reform with a small \u201cr\u201d: its commingling of Joachite, Wycliffite and Langlandian discourses is, in our view, demonstrative of a devotional cosmopolitanism which draws from all available sources, whether nominally orthodox or nominally heretical, in order to forge a new account of Christian community.  These books and texts record cultural experimentation and innovation, rehearsed in sermons and other contexts of public performance, exhorting audiences to evaluate a variety of devotional and ecclesiastical forms.  We are talking about a moment when the Church and its critics &#8211; with the exception of the Wycliffite minority &#8211; are re-imagining what the Church might be and how it might overcome a crisis of confidence, of government, of authority. <\/p>\n<p>The devotional cosmopolitanism we imagine is not unique to the fifteenth century. And it is not unique to metropolitan contexts.  It informs and structures both orthodox and heterodox models of ecclesia.  And neither should it be conceived as a form of idealism &#8211; either of communities or of literary culture.  Derrida (2001) has alerted us to the paradoxes of cosmopolitanism, to its inherently destabilising effects on the fixities of identity: the polities of host and guest commingle and become confused.  Paradox, we contend, might be the textual mark of the influence of Arundel\u2019s <em>Constitutions<\/em>.  Future research will demonstrate how, for conformist and non-conformist reading communities across England, the availability of multiple strands of theological innovation, indigenous to England but also imported from continental Europe, provide audiences with renewed vocabularies of Christian identity rooted in a model of \u201chospitable reading.\u201d  If the task of Church authorities in the fifteenth century was to imagine and legislate for the suppression of such innovation as heresy, it is the task of the historian of late medieval religion not to reinforce its supposed homogeneity but to  disentangle its complexity and richness.<\/p>\n<h3>References:<\/h3>\n<p><strong>Berndt Hamm<\/strong>.  <em>The Reformation of Faith in the Context of Late Medieval Theology and Piety.<\/em>  Leiden: Brill, 2004.<br \/>\n<strong>Mishtooni Bose<\/strong>.  &#8220;Religious Authority and Dissent&#8221; in <em>A Companion to Medieval English Literature and Culture, c.1350-1500,<\/em> ed. Peter Brown.  Oxford: Blackwell, 2006, 40-55.<br \/>\n<strong>Margaret Connolly<\/strong>. &#8220;Books for the &#8216;helpe of euery persoone \u00feat \u00feenki\u00fe to be saued&#8217;: Six Devotional Anthologies from Fifteenth-Century London&#8221;  <a href=\"http:\/\/www.jstor.org\/stable\/3509024\"><em>Yearbook of English Studies<\/em> 33 (2003): 170-181.<\/a><br \/>\n<strong>Jacques Derrida<\/strong>.  <em>On Cosmopolitanism and Forgiveness.<\/em>  London: Routledge, 2001.<br \/>\n<strong>A. L. Kellogg and E. W. Talbert<\/strong>. &#8220;The Wyclifite Pater Noster and Ten Commandments, with Special Reference to English MSS. 85 and 90 in the John Rylands Library&#8217;, <em>Bulletin of the John Rylands Library<\/em>, 42 (1959-60): 345-77.<br \/>\n<strong>Wendy Scase<\/strong>. &#8220;Reginald Pecock, John Carpenter and John Colop&#8217;s &#8220;common-profit&#8221; books: aspects of book ownership and circulation in fifteenth-century London&#8221;. <a href=\"http:\/\/pao.chadwyck.co.uk\/articles\/displayItem.do?QueryType=articles&#038;ResultsID=1207C04E60A13AE0A8&#038;filterSequence=0&#038;ItemNumber=1&#038;journalID=0020\"><em>Medium Aevum<\/em>, 61:2 (1992): 261-74.<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>\u201cCategories of historical explanation are indispensable,\u201d says the German historian of the Protestant Reformation, Berndt Hamm. \u201cBut when they lose their status as questions\u201d he continues, \u201cwhen it is no longer apparent that they are thought constructs placed upon the past, such categories come to have fatal effects on scholarship\u201d&#8230;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":36,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":[],"categories":[28,3,5],"tags":[19,17,21,20,15,16,8,23,18,22],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/geographies-of-orthodoxy.qub.ac.uk\/discuss\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/43"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/geographies-of-orthodoxy.qub.ac.uk\/discuss\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/geographies-of-orthodoxy.qub.ac.uk\/discuss\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/geographies-of-orthodoxy.qub.ac.uk\/discuss\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/36"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/geographies-of-orthodoxy.qub.ac.uk\/discuss\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=43"}],"version-history":[{"count":30,"href":"https:\/\/geographies-of-orthodoxy.qub.ac.uk\/discuss\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/43\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":255,"href":"https:\/\/geographies-of-orthodoxy.qub.ac.uk\/discuss\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/43\/revisions\/255"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/geographies-of-orthodoxy.qub.ac.uk\/discuss\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=43"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/geographies-of-orthodoxy.qub.ac.uk\/discuss\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=43"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/geographies-of-orthodoxy.qub.ac.uk\/discuss\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=43"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}